China’s new sea lab: a political or scientific endeavour?
China’s plans for a new research facility threaten to upset the balance of power in Southeast Asia, says Zi Ran Shen

China has recently announced plans to build a massive sea lab 10,000 feet under the sea. Although termed a 'lab', its strategic location and announcement reveals its true purpose: a political fortress within the mess that is the South China Sea.
The South China Sea has been a contentious issue for decades, but rising tensions have put the possibility of war on the table. The waters in contention do not only host around $5 trillion of trade a year and contain an estimated 125 billion barrels of oil and 500 trillion cubic feet of natural gas, but also provide support for an abundance of fisheries.
How much of the estimated oil and gas deposits are actually present is under much debate, just as is who has access to that area. In July of 2016, the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) rejected any claims China has over the South China Sea, citing no legal basis for the 'nine-dash line' (shown below in red), a border China has repeatedly used in its claims on the sea.
Historically, China has been in 'possession' of the South China Sea for much longer than its neighbouring countries. In 1947, when China first published the still-in-use 'nine-dash line', neighbouring countries posed little opposition.
For decades afterwards, the area encircled by the 'nine-dash line' remained unofficially Chinese until 2009, the deadline for claiming underwater hydrocarbons. Almost instantaneously, the United States, who previously discouraged Philippine interests on the Spratly Islands, began increasing its military presence in the area, leading to altercations with Chinese marines.
Neighbouring countries responded to increased US-China tensions in their own ways. Malaysia supported China’s claims to the sea and believed that a mutually beneficial alliance could arise. Vietnam was not so quick to embrace the Chinese. After some disagreements, Vietnam and China eventually came to a consensus and created a new rulebook for settling maritime disputes.
The Philippines, as a long-time ally of the US, also increased its military presence in the disputed waters, which has led to several standoffs and rising tensions. The Philippines’ continued disagreements with China is what led to the involvement of the PCA in this dispute.
Backed by the US, the Philippines filed for arbitration in July of 2015. The PCA accepted the case, which was due to report in 2016. In anticipation of the decision, the US repeatedly entered disputed territories as a show of force.
The US military has sent three navy destroyers, two supercarriers, a warship, and two military planes over disputed territories, significantly raising tensions in the area. Despite the US’s disturbance, ASEAN (the Alliance of Southeast Asian Nations) has released a statement after the decision of the PCA reiterating its goal to maintain peace in Southeast Asia and promote a mutually beneficial relationship within its nations and in the global community.
The PCA then ruled that there is no legal basis for China’s 'nine-dash line'. This verdict was ignored, as China has repeatedly voiced its refusal to participate in arbitration unilaterally initiated by the Philippines. After the PCA accepted the case, China again declared that the ruling would not be binding. It should then come as no surprise that rather than acquiescing to the Hague’s decision, China is making moves on its own.
The planned sea lab has been given the go-ahead by the government as the province of Hainan has promised no less than 10 million yuan (£1.1 million) per year to support its construction and research.
The lab will focus its research on marine life around Hainan, geological exploration, information technologies, and oceanic conservation. The construction and research responsibilities have been delegated to Hainan University, a provincial university specialising in tropical agricultural and marine research.
The contentious areas of the sea contain numerous small islands and coral reefs which house large amounts of marine life. Some of this marine life – including but not limited to the blue marlin, yellowfin tuna, and groupers – is essential supplies of food to millions of people.
However, overfishing has made a fishery collapse seem imminent. Despite the continued use and exploitation of the area, little research has been done on the ecology and biodiversity of these reefs.
Interested parties must act fast, as coral reefs in the area are shrinking quickly. Over the past 30 years, coral coverage in the South China Sea has declined by at least 80 per cent. Stronger conservation efforts are essential to prevent exploitative overfishing and to establish a sustainable way to harvest the resources. The presence of a sea lab with concentrated efforts on conservation may be the solution to preserving biodiversity.
Besides providing possible conservation efforts, laboratories are hosts to multi-national projects which foster goodwill among participating countries. Currently, Hainan University is host to several collaborative projects with the Philippines, Indonesia, Thailand, along with being a partner university to institutions in Vietnam, Malaysia, and Japan. A new laboratory teeming with cutting edge equipment will certainly make Hainan University a more attractive collaborative partner.
In addition to regional collaborations, scientists at Shanghai's Tongji University are currently working with experts in the Philippines on studying the fluid sediment process in the South China Sea. Such collaborative projects may spark the discussions necessary to heal the rift between the disputing countries.
Fears that China’s sea lab will serve a dictatorial function within the South China Sea may be completely unfounded, as a laboratory both serves as a valuable base for marine conservation and a centre for inter-country discussion – both scientific and political.
Some would argue that China’s decision shows an inability to compromise, while China believes that the sea lab will simply strengthen China’s voice in an area it already claims. China’s sea lab may be the answer to promoting and maintaining peace within the area, which would be compatible with ASEAN’s statement of promoting peace and cooperation. The sea lab would provide the conservation of sea life and provide continual support for fishing industries which will benefit neighbouring countries.
In addition, the collaborative research opportunities the sea lab provides could strengthen ties between cooperating nations and facilitate international discussion. As long as positive dialogue continues between China, Vietnam, Malaysia, and the Philippines, a peaceful solution may not far from emerging.
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