The logical case for Trump?
Despite a focus on the bragging and bluster of the Republican nominee, does he have any serious points on policy?

Much of this election’s coverage has, rightly or wrongly, focused on the candidacy and character of Donald Trump. The character of Republican nominee is seen as a threat to the foundations of the American republic. His supporters, so the argument goes, are casting their ballots on the basis of an irrational fear of the ‘other’ and a wistful yearning for the status quo ante. Making America great again, in this analysis, amounts to little more than thinly-veiled dog-whistle politics.
But these perspectives miss out on the important issues that Trump’s campaign has brought to the fore (and, by his conduct, done a tremendous disservice to). It was, after all, issues that brought him into politics. In a 1988 interview with Oprah Winfrey, Trump noted that he was “tired of seeing the country ripped off” but warned that “if it got so bad, I wouldn’t want to rule anything out” on a potential presidential run. It seems that, despite accusations of flip-flopping on policy levelled at him, Trump has been remarkably consistent on a number of big-picture issues which have gained momentum since the 1980s.
On trade, Trump’s mercantilist views tap into a growing well of anti-free trade sentiment, which most recently has forced Hillary Clinton to harden her trade rhetoric and even, during the 2008 primary season, led then-Senator Obama to promise a renegotiation of the North American Free Trade Agreement. The reasons for Trump's feelings are evident: US manufacturing employment has collapsed, now constituting just 7.7 per cent of American jobs, while at the same time American exports have been massively outpaced by China. Combine a record $365.7 billion trade deficit in 2015 with a national debt approaching $20 trillion, and there is a compelling case for a radical shake-up of US trade and economic policy.
Trump’s zero-sum view of international relations and trade, where for others to benefit the US has to lose, has put him at odds with a political establishment that sees the US as being the world’s indispensable nation. But he might well strike a chord with an electorate that sees things getting worse and wants to, as a young Arkansas governor declared in 1992, make America great again.
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